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Southern States Moving Bills to Reinforce Janus Ruling

March 22, 2023 by Freedom Foundation Leave a Comment

Rusty Brown is the Southern Director of the Freedom Foundation. 

On paper, the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark 2018 ruling in Janus v. AFSCME banned mandatory union membership and dues in the public workforce. But in the years since it was issued, lower courts have demonstrated little stomach for enforcing the decision, emboldening union leaders to simply behave as though it never happened.

That could change soon, as several cases that could put some teeth in Janus are currently under consideration by the current justices. In the meantime, however, at least four states — Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Oklahoma — are moving ahead with measures intended to enforce exactly what the ruling says.

In Florida, Republicans in the state Legislature are working to exploit supermajorities in both houses in order to enact a bill whose language mirrors that of the Janus ruling, with a few extra surprises thrown in for good measure.

Since first being heard on March 7, the Senate version has cleared its second and final committee with the next stop being the Senate floor. The House bill cleared its first committee on March 16 and has one more committee hearing before proceeding to the house floor and, finally, the governor’s desk.

Meanwhile, in Kentucky, a pair of bills moving through the General Assembly would also take the state out of the dues-collection business.

Senate Bill 7 would stop automatic transfers to political action committees from a public employee’s paycheck. House Bill 364 would do the same, in addition to preventing payroll deductions for union membership dues.

House Bill 26 would prohibit public funds from being used by unions for lobbying purposes. In essence, it simply imposes rules that prevent the government from lobbying itself.

Both Kentucky bills have passed through committee and await floor action in their respective chambers.

A recent study revealed that the Kentucky Education Association directs nearly $4 out of every $10 in union dues collected from its members to the National Education Association (NEA), which uses these funds to support partisan liberal political organizations and activities.

As the final version of SB 7 is decided, lawmakers plan to strengthen the bill with an amendment that does what the Florida bill would already do — end all government involvement in transmitting funds directly to unions, including payroll deductions for membership dues.

Next door in Tennessee, a bill authored by Republican Senate Leader Jack Johnson (R-Franklin) requires the Tennessee Department of Education to “publish the annual state salary schedule” on the department website, but an amendment to the bill adds a requirement that would also prohibit union dues from being deducted from teachers’ salaries.

The amendment explicitly prohibits any Local Education Agency (LEA) from deducting dues from an employee’s payroll for any “professional employees’ organization,” or union. Instead, it would be up to the individual employee to pay those voluntarily.

“This section does not prohibit an employee of an LEA from personally and voluntarily remitting dues to a professional employees’ organization,” the bill notes.

Lastly, Oklahoma is also considering a bill that would require union members to opt-in to unions on an annual basis rather than the status quo of being permanently opted in until they request to be let out. Senate Bill 99 builds upon a 2022 Executive order signed by the governor that required teachers be notified that they have a constitutional right not to participate in a union if they choose not to for any reason.

Union caterwauling notwithstanding, nothing being proposed in either state would prevent workers from forming or belonging to a union if they so choose. The legislation would simply make unions responsible for their own dues deductions.

Moreover, while the Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Oklahoma proposals all include provisions not specifically mentioned in the Janus ruling as written by Justice Samuel Alito and affirmed by four of his colleagues, each is entirely consistent with its unambiguous intent.

The ruling clearly states, “Neither an agency fee nor any other payment to the union may be deducted from a nonmember’s wages, nor may any other attempt be made to collect such a payment, unless the employee affirmatively consents to pay.”

What better way to ensure public employees do, in fact, agree to support their union than by making them directly responsible for paying dues rather than allowing the state to deduct it preemptively at the union’s behest?

When unions are allowed to outsource their own billing and collection activities to a taxpayer-supported state agency, pretty soon it starts to feel like the money belongs to them instead of the worker who earned it.

It’s time unions were reminded which side is working for the other.

The opinions expressed in guest op-eds are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of RedState.com.

Filed Under: <![CDATA[Conservatism]]>, <![CDATA[Florida]]>, <![CDATA[Freedom Foundation]]>, <![CDATA[janus vs. afscme]]>, <![CDATA[Kentucky]]>, <![CDATA[Oklahoma]]>, <![CDATA[Public Unions]]>, <![CDATA[Tennessee]]>, <![CDATA[Unions]]>, News, Red State

Kentucky bill barring help on federal gun laws advances

March 11, 2023 by Tom Knighton Leave a Comment

The state of Kentucky is kind of the epitome of a red state. They have Republicans holding office up and down the line. Looking at a map of their legislature’s makeup looks like someone was murdered, there’s just so much red everywhere.

So it’s unsurprising that they will pass pro-gun legislation, even if it looks an awful lot like a measure just smacked down by the courts.

You see, such a bill has advanced in the Kentucky legislature.

A bill that would ban state and local law enforcement, governments and their employees from enforcing federal gun laws or regulations in Kentucky advanced from a Senate committee Thursday morning.

House Bill 153, sponsored by Rep. Josh Bray, R-Mount Vernon, would prevent local law enforcement, employees of public agencies and local governments from assisting or cooperating with a “federal ban” on firearms, firearms accessories and ammunition. The bill’s language would also prevent local governments and public agencies from adopting rules or spending public funding or resources to enforce such a federal ban on firearms.

The Republican reiterated his support for the bill, speaking before the Senate Veterans, Military Affairs and Public Protection Committee.

“The concept behind it is pretty simple: it says going forward, no state tax dollars, state manpower will be allocated towards the enforcement of a federal firearm ban,” Bray said.

The legislation passed out of the House on mostly party lines last month. A similar bill sponsored by Bray last year also had passed the House but failed to receive a vote by the full Senate before the end of the legislative session.

Anderson County writer Teri Carter testified against the bill, pointing to how a federal judge this week struck down a similar law in Missouri as unconstitutional and void because of the supremacy clause in the U.S. Constitution. That clause establishes that federal law generally takes precedence over state law.

Carter referenced reporting by the Kansas City Star that following the Missouri legislation being signed into law in 2021, some police departments there restricted cooperation with federal authorities on collaborations such as sending gun serial number information to federal databases or joint drug task forces.

Carter isn’t wrong here. The law looks an awful lot like the Missouri law and yes, it was struck down.

However, I’m not so sure that the ruling in question won’t be overturned.

You see, the supremacy clause means that federal law takes priority over state law, but it doesn’t mean that federal authorities can create an unfunded mandate that local police must assist them in doing their jobs.

Further, let’s be real for a second here, there were no such rulings about immigration sanctuaries. Those cities and states refused to assist federal authorities with the enforcement of immigration laws and yet that was deemed acceptable.

Actually, some thought it downright heroic.

So now Kentucky is interested in going down that same path. Whether they can be successful whereas Missouri currently isn’t remains to be seen. What we do know, though, is that Kentucky isn’t going to play around and pass new gun control laws, and that’s a very good thing.

Filed Under: <![CDATA[Gun Control]]>, <![CDATA[Gun Rights]]>, <![CDATA[Guns]]>, <![CDATA[Kentucky]]>, <![CDATA[Video]]>, Bearing Arms, News

The fight over campus carry moves to Kentucky

March 8, 2023 by Cam Edwards Leave a Comment

Now that West Virginia’s SB 10 has been signed into law by Gov. Jim Justice, there are about a dozen states across the country that have campus carry laws on the books (though West Virginia’s statute does not take effect until July, 2024). We could see a baker’s dozen in short order, however, with a bill in Kentucky clearing a House committee on Tuesday.

HB 542, as currently written, declares that colleges, universities, and postsecondary education facilities (including technical schools and community colleges “shall not limit, restrict, or prohibit” lawful concealed carry “in any manner”; a big change to the status quo.

Currently, colleges and universities in Kentucky can choose whether to restrict or ban people with concealed carry permits from carrying firearms on their respective campuses. All of Kentucky’s public universities and the state’s community and technical college system prohibit concealed carry firearms on campus, with an exception for concealed-carry permit holders who keep a firearm locked in a personal vehicle.

A lobbyist with the National Rifle Association testified in favor of the bill, while organizations representing universities and colleges throughout Kentucky were unified in their opposition to the legislation. NRA lobbyist Art Thomm said in testimony that the bill “seeks to empower men and women to protect themselves from violent attacks.”

“Throughout the movement of this legislation, you will hear a tirade of scenarios — how crime will increase, how safety will diminish and how our children will be placed at risk and so on. Blood will run through the streets at our state colleges and universities. There’s one major problem with that thought process — it’s wrong,” Thomm said.

Thomm’s right, but reluctant lawmakers and higher ed officials don’t have to take his word for it. West Virginia University has put together a “Campus Safety Group” to figure out how to implement SB 10’s provisions, and one of the things the group did was reach out to other universities in states where campus carry is already the law.

A common topic in this year’s legislative debates, and in prior years, was the possibility of conceal carry permit holders intentionally or unintentionally sparking fear in others and stifling debate on college campuses.

“We have heard that fear, we have heard that perception,” [WVU vice president Rob] Alsop said. In their conversations with other universities, they have learned those institutions have not seen any incidents where someone carrying a weapon has stifled debate or discussion.”

It would be good for Kentucky officials to have similar conversations, because at the moment many of them are in full freak-out mode.

In a statement issued after the committee action, Kentucky Council on Postsecondary Education President Aaron Thompson said “any legislation that allows concealed weapons on campuses threatens students’ real and perceived safety.”

“Our public college and university chiefs of police are unanimous in their professional judgment that any law or policy that increases the prevalence of deadly weapons on campus makes those places where our friends and families go to work, attend school, and enjoy community with each other much less safe,” he said.

Thompson said the council was “unaware of any reliable statistical evidence” that carrying concealed firearms reduces violence on campuses. The council serves as a coordinating board serving Kentucky’s public universities and community and technical colleges.

The president of the Association of Independent Colleges and Universities, which represents 18 private, non profit higher education institutions in the state, also issued a statement saying they’re still trying to get clarification on “certain elements” in Maddox’s bill.

“AIKCU opposes any efforts to limit the ability of independent colleges and universities to determine how to best protect the safety and wellbeing of their students, faculty, and staff,” Mason Dyer said.

University of Kentucky spokesperson Jay Blanton said the university deeply respects policymakers but that UK’s “law enforcement, safety and health officials are unequivocal in their belief that allowing guns on campus will make our community less safe — whether that’s in a classroom, hospital or athletics venue.”

“We will continue to make that case, respectfully and candidly, in direct conversations with lawmakers now and in the coming days,” Blanton said.

To be fair, I expect that HB 542 will be revised to some extent as it makes its way through the legislature. At the moment the bill appears to lump in private colleges and universities with public institutions in mandating that concealed carry is recognized, which would run afoul of the property rights of those private institutions. The bill is also silent on any “sensitive places” where concealed carry could continue to be prohibited, which is also likely to change. West Virginia’s campus carry bill forbids carrying in any campus arena or theater with a seating capacity of more than 1,000 people, for instance, and SB 10 also imposes storage requirements for students who live (and carry) on campus.

I’m sure the university presidents will try to water down the Kentucky bill as much as possible, so it’ll be critically important for gun owners and Second Amendment supporters in the state to weigh in and back the strongest legislation possible. Lawmakers have plenty of examples around the country to point to in their efforts to craft a strong campus carry law that respects the Second Amendment rights of students and faculty, and as long as they don’t buy in to the fearmongering from university officials HB 542 will be a big step forward for the right to keep and bear arms in the Bluegrass State.

Filed Under: <![CDATA[Campus Carry]]>, <![CDATA[HB 542]]>, <![CDATA[Kentucky]]>, <![CDATA[SB 10]]>, <![CDATA[Video]]>, <![CDATA[West Virginia]]>, Bearing Arms, News

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